The Higher Phase of Communist Society Marx explains this question most thoroughly in his Critique of the Gotha Programme letter to Bracke, May 5,which was not published until when it was printed in Neue Zeit, vol.
IX, 1, and which has appeared in Russian in a special edition. The polemical part of this remarkable work, which contains a criticism of Lassalleanism, has, so to speak, overshadowed its positive part, namely, the analysis of the connection between the development of communism and the withering away of the state.
Presentation of the Question by Marx From a superficial comparison of Marx's letter to Bracke of May 5,with Engels' letter to Bebel of March 28,which we examined above, it might appear that Marx was much more of a "champion of the state" than Engels, and that the difference of opinion between the two writers on the question of the state was very considerable.
Engels even declared that the Commune was long a state in the proper sense of the word. Yet Marx even spoke of the "future state in communist society", i.
But such a view would be fundamentally wrong. A closer examination shows that Marx's and Engels' views on the state and its withering away were completely identical, and that Marx's expression quoted above refers to the state in the process of withering away. Clearly, there can be no question of specifying the moment of the future "withering away", the more so since it will obviously be a lengthy process.
The apparent difference between Marx and Engels is due to the fact that they dealth with different subjects and pursued different aims. Engels set out to show Bebel graphically, sharply, and in broad outline the utter absurdity of the current prejudices concerning the state shared to no small degree by Lassalle.
Marx only touched upon this question in passing, being interested in another subject, namely, the development of communist society.
The whole theory of Marx is the application of the theory of development--in its most consistent, complete, considered and pithy form--to modern capitalism. Naturally, Marx was faced with the problem of applying this theory both to the forthcoming collapse of capitalism and to the future development of future communism.
On the basis of what facts, then, can the question of the future development of future communism be dealt with?
On the basis of the fact that it has its origin in capitalism, that it develops historically from capitalism, that it is the result of the action of a social force to which capitalism gave birth.
There is no trace of an attempt on Marx's part to make up a utopia, to indulge in idle guess-work about what cannot be known. Marx treated the question of communism in the same way as a naturalist would treat the question of the development of, say, a new biological variety, once he knew that it had originated in such and such a way and was changing in such and such a definite direction.
To begin with, Marx brushed aside the confusion the Gotha Programme brought into the question of the relationship between state and society. On the other hand, the 'present-day state' changes with a country's frontier.
It is different in the Prusso-German Empire from what it is in Switzerland, and different in England from what it is in the United States.
The have, therefore, also certain essential characteristics in common.
In this sense it is possible to speak of the 'present-day state', in contrast with the future, in which its present root, bourgeois society, will have died off. In other words, what social functions will remain in existence there that are analogous to present state functions?
This question can only be answered scientifically, and one does not get a flea-hop nearer to the problem by a thousandfold combination of the word people with the word state.
The first fact that has been established most accurately by the whole theory of development, by science as a whole--a fact that was ignored by the utopians, and is ignored by the present-day opportunists, who are afraid of the socialist revolution--is that, historically, there must undoubtedly be a special stage, or a special phase, of transition from capitalism to communism.
The Transition from Capitalism to Communism Marx continued: Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.
Previously the question was put as follows: Now the question is put somewhat differently: What, then, is the relation of this dictatorship to democracy?
We have seen that the Communist Manifesto simply places side by side the two concepts: On the basis of all that has been said above, it is possible to determine more precisely how democracy changes in the transition from capitalism to communism.
In capitalist society, providing it develops under the most favourable conditions, we have a more or less complete democracy in the democratic republic.
But this democracy is always hemmed in by the narrow limits set by capitalist exploitation, and consequently always remains, in effect, a democracy for the minority, only for the propertied classes, only for the rich.
Freedom in capitalist society always remains about the same as it was in the ancient Greek republics: Owing to the conditions of capitalist exploitation, the modern wage slaves are so crushed by want and poverty that "they cannot be bothered with democracy", "cannot be bothered with politics"; in the ordinary, peaceful course of events, the majority of the population is debarred from participation in public and political life.
The correctness of this statement is perhaps most clearly confirmed by Germany, because constitutional legality steadily endured there for a remarkably long time--nearly half a century --and during this period the Social-Democrats were able to achieve far more than in other countries in the way of "utilizing legality", and organized a larger proportion of the workers into a political party than anywhere else in the world.
What is this largest proportion of politically conscious and active wage slaves that has so far been recorded in capitalist society?More information about Burma is available on the Burma Page and from other Department of State publications and other sources listed at the end of this fact sheet..
U.S.-BURMA RELATIONS. The United States supports a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Burma that . PART ONE CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY: government will be contested at periodic intervals and that the transfer of governmental authority is accomplished in a peaceful and orderly process.
Constitutional democracies have differing conceptions of the meaning and importance of economic equality. At the very least, they agree that all citizens. Amidst threats of violence and fears of national dissolution, Congress met in February to resolve the fiercely contested election of Federalists and Republicans argued over how best to implement the new federal Constitution, but both parties accepted the .
Significant Energy E vents in Earth's and Life's History as of Energy Event. Timeframe. Significance.
Nuclear fusion begins in the Sun. c. billion years ago (“bya”) Provides the power for all of Earth's geophysical, geochemical, and ecological systems, with the . “The peaceful transfer of power is the cornerstone of our democracy,” Pelosi said.
She noted that Trump had won the electoral college, while Hillary Clinton won the popular vote — though. The Importance of Peaceful Transition of Power as Part of Democracy PAGES 2. WORDS View Full Essay. More essays like this: Not sure what I'd do without @Kibin - Alfredo Alvarez, student @ Miami University.
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